Friday, February 14, 2020

20th-Century Genius Award Paper Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

20th-Century Genius Award Paper - Essay Example While most of you are cursorily familiar with Sigmund Freud, the extent and influence of his work is truly staggering. Through numerous published texts and consultation work Freud has influenced not just psychology, but nearly all disciplines within the liberal arts, and become a cornerstone of the modern vernacular. This essay considers Freud’s significant scientific and cultural contributions, in demonstrating why he was chosen for this prestigious award. Life Sigmund Freud was born in 1857 in the Moravian town of Pribor. At the time this region was part of the Austrian Empire, but has since become part of the Czech Republic. While Freud’s parent experienced significant poverty because of the economic climate, Freud was still able to attain a quality education. Freud excelled as a student and would go on to study under Darwinist Professor Karl Claus. During this period Freud widely read philosophy and came to understand many theoretical aspects that would later be inc orporated into his own work. While Freud was initially interested in law, this concern would soon shift to philosophy, and ultimately the emerging field of psychology. In 1885 Freud would begin his study of psychology in Paris under Jean-Martin Charcot. After completing his study he would go on to open his own medical practice. A year later he would marry Martha Bernays. Through Freud’s medical practice, he made great gains in terms of developing his psychological theories that would ultimately become articulated into psychoanalysis. Previously the main approach to psychological challenges had been hypnosis. Freud would begin his practice by implementing hypnosis, but would later abandon this for an approach he referred to as the talking cure. As Freud’s practice further developed he would begin to write a substantial variety of texts that would eventually form into a comprehensive psychological approach known as psychoanalysis. After a truly outstanding life, that inc luded bouts with cancer and an escape from Nazi Germany, Freud died in 1939. Survey of Contributions Sigmund Freud made a tremendous amount of contributions to the study of psychology. Freud developed a series of psychosexual stages of development that characterize the human development process from birth. As the child is born they enter the oral phase of development, and then subsequently progress into the anal, phallic, latency, and genital phases. The stages functioned to develop the sexuality of the individual, from one of polymorphous perversity to heterosexuality. It was Freud’s theoretical understanding that if difficulties were encountered in any of these stages that they would cause unconscious psychic dysfunctions later in life. At birth the child begins the oral stage of psychosexual development. This stage lasts until the individual is approximately two years old. As the moniker suggests, this stage of development is characterized by infantile fixation with the mo uth. Examples of this include thumb sucking, breast-feeding, and the placement of other various objects in the mouth. Freud’s concept of the Id is notable here, as he believed that the child in the oral stage is Id driven, as the ego and superego have not entirely developed; furthermore, as the child’s self-concept has not emerged, they are driven by the pleasure principle. It is during this stage that the child’s self-concept forms, as they recognize that they are a distinct entity the rest of their environment. The child also notably experiences weaning – that is, their first sense of abandonment – as their mother or parental guardian leaves them alone. Freud believed that this experience greatly contributed to ego formation. The next psychosexual stage is the anal

Saturday, February 1, 2020

Human Computer Interaction Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Human Computer Interaction - Essay Example From 1999 to 2010, the Yahoo website linked together a sequence of pages with Back/Next links. The developers created a parent page that links to all of the pages in this sequence, and allowed users to view them either in sequence or out of order. In this regard, the 1999 website was the most basic, and the 2010 version was the most advanced (Barrier 27). It is safe to say that all the Yahoo websites since 1999 to 2010 have been designed to support easy navigation by linking pages (Barrier 29). If a user clicks on a link and wants to go back to the parent page, there is a Back/Next link; if a user has gone back by mistake, for example, he/she can also go to the next page by clicking on the Next link. Visual Framework: From 1999 to 2010, the Yahoo website pages were designed to use the same basic layout, colors and stylistic elements, but give the design enough flexibility to handle varying page content. Going through the different versions, it is clear this aspect of design has been enhanced with time but it was a concept that was in use as early as 1999. When it comes to center stage, all the website versions from 1999 to 2010 put the most important part of the UI into the largest subsection of the page or window; cluster secondary tools and content around it in smaller panels. Context, size, color and headlines were applied in making the most important news and website sections stand out for easy recognition and identification by users. In terms of grid of equals, from 1999 to 2010, content items are arranged in a grid or matrix. Each item follows a common template, and each item’s visual weight is similar. Right/Left alignments are applied to good effect in all the website versions ranging from 1999 to 2010. Bullet points have been used from 1999 to 2010. However, their use was more prominent in earlier versions (1999-2003) than in 2005-2010. A good look would reveal that bulleted points are now used to highlight less important links, as compared to 1 999 when they were conspicuously placed and occupied a large section of the home page. Diagonal balance, collapsible panels, and module taps have been used to very good effect from 1999 to 2010, exemplifying good website design. They were less prominent in earlier versions (1999-2003) when compared to the 2005-2010 versions of the website. List patterns (thumbnail grids and list inlays) have been well designed and applied from 1999 to 2010, although they were less pronounced in the earlier versions (1999-2003). For instance, I looked at the button groups used in the 1999-2003 website versions and it was evident that due to their simple and primitive nature, they cannot be used in the 2010 version. Also, I examined the macros and progress indicators used in the 1999-2003 versions vis- a-vis the 2005-2010 versions. On a head-to-head matchup, the 1999-2003 macros and progress indicators seem even archaic when compared to the ones used in the 2005-2010 versions. This is understandable g iven that time and technological changes are very influential and inevitable. Thumbnail grids, list inlays, diagonal balance, collapsible panels, and module taps that are used in the 1999-2003 versions basically pale when compared to the 2005-2010 versions. These elements should be flexible, adaptable, comprehensive, and relevant as time changes, and although they may have

Friday, January 24, 2020

Hungary’s Attempts at Modernizing its Banking Industry Essay -- Hungar

Hungary’s Attempts at Modernizing its Banking Industry It has been over a decade since Hungary has transitioned into the market economy. Its banking system has gone through numerous changes in order to accommodate an ever competitive world of financial innovation. Today, we see a Hungary that has adopted much of financial structure seen in Western Europe and whose banking sector is finally starting to see profits. Early transitional privatization saw an assortment of problems for state-owned banks including inadequate regulation and an agglomeration of non-performing loans. Reforms made through legislation in the last decade have helped alleviate the pressures on previously state held banks and lead the industry further through privatization. According to the latest findings by the IMF, Hungary’s banking industry is nearly through the transitional process and well on its way to tightening the gap between itself and its Western European counterparts. In 1987, Hungary undertook its first major reform, separating the Hungarian National Bank and its commercial banking sector. Clearly, the goal was too proceed toward privatization. At the time, the state owned banks were flooded with a large volume of non-performing loans. Because foreign funded banks did not face the burden of bad loans, they had a competitive advantage against state-owned banks. This resulted in the â€Å"skimming off the more profitable clients† from the state owned banks and caused the legislation reforms of 1992-1994(1). The government of Hungary subsidized many state owned â€Å"bad loans† in order to proceed with privatization. Not surprisingly, and encouraged by the government, foreign investors bought significant stakes in Hungarian banks. In fact, acco... ... and divesting its remaining stakes in banks. Although the country is still largely based on cash businesses, reliance on credit cards and other banking related items continues to grow. With the Hungarian people ever more dependent on banking services, perspective for the industry’s growth is substantial. The progress made in the last ten years has been tremendous and the perspectives for the future look good. Hungary is now well on its way to reaching western economic development. Works Cited: 1.Shader,Susan and Ingves, Stefan Financial System Stability Assesment, IMF MAY 3, 2002 (4)- P86 (5)- P86-88 (8)P26,P8-P16 Note: When paper references the IMF, statistics can be found between p25-60 2.Van Elken, Rachel Hungary: Economic Policies for Sustainable Growth IMF Washington D.C. 1998 (1)p37 (2)P37-45 3. (3),(6)

Thursday, January 16, 2020

Deviance. Topic Questions

University of Wollongong Research Online Faculty of Arts – Papers Faculty of Arts 1993 What Is Hegemonic Masculinity? Mike Donaldson University of Wollongong, [email  protected] edu. au Publication Details Donaldson, M, What Is Hegemonic Masculinity? , Theory and Society, Special Issue: Masculinities, October 1993, 22(5), 643-657. Copyright 1993 Springer. The original publication is available here at www. springerlink. com. Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email  protected] edu. au Theory and Society, Vol. 22, No. 5,Special Issue: Masculinities, Oct. , 1993, pp. 643-657. What Is Hegemonic Masculinity? Mike Donaldson Sociology, University of Wollongong, Australia Structures of oppression, forces for change A developing debate within the growing theoretical literature on men and masculinity concerns the relationship of gender systems to the social formation. Crucial ly at issue is the question of the autonomy of the gender order. Some, in particular Waters, are of the opinion that change in masculine gender systems historically has been caused exogenously and that, without those external factors, the systems would stably reproduce. 1) For Hochschild, the â€Å"motor† of this social change is the economy, particularly and currently, the decline in the purchasing power of the male wage, the decline in the number and proportion of â€Å"male† skilled and unskilled jobs, and the rise in â€Å"female† jobs in the growing services sector. (2) I have argued that gender relations themselves are bisected by class relations and vice-versa, and that the salient moment for analysis is the relation between the two. (3) On the other side of the argument, others have been trying to establish â€Å"the laws of motion† of gender systems.Connell, for instance, has insisted on the independence of their structures, patterns of movement. and determinations, most notably in his devastating critiques of sexrole theory. â€Å"Change is always something that happens to sex roles, that impinges on them. It comes from outside, as in discussions of how technological and economic changes demand a shift to a ‘modern' male role for men. Or it comes from inside the person, from the ‘real self' that protests against the artificial restrictions of constraining roles.Sex role theory has no way of grasping change as a dialectic arising within gender relations themselves. † It has no way of grasping social dynamics that can only be seriously considered when the historicity of the structure of gender relations, the gender order of the society, is the point of departure. (4) This concern with broad, historical movement is linked to the question of male sexual politics. Clearly, if men wish to challenge patriarchy and win, the central question must be, who and where are the â€Å"army of redressers? (5) But  "the political project of rooting out the sexism in masculinity has proved intensely difficult† because â€Å"the difficulty of constructing a movement of men to dismantle hegemonic masculinity is that its logic is not the articulation of collective interest but the attempt to dismantle that interest. (6) It is this concept of â€Å"hegemonic masculinity† on which the argument for autonomy of the gender structures turns, for it is this that links their broader historical sweep to lived experience.Put simply, if the gender system has an independence of structure, movement, and determinations, then we should be able to identify counter-hegemonic forces within it; if these are not identifiable, then we must question the autonomy of the gender system and the existence of hegemonic masculinity as central and specific to it. On the other hand, if gender systems are not autonomous, then the question â€Å"why, in specific social formations, do certain ways of being male pred ominate, and particular sorts of men rule? † remains to be answered and the resistances to that order still remain to be identified.The political implications of the issue are clear. If there is an independent structure of masculinity, then it should produce counter-hegemonic movements of men, and all good blokes should get involved in them. If the structure is not independent, or the movements not counterhegemonic, or the counter-hegemony not moving, then political practice will not be centred on masculinity †¦ and what do we men do then, about the masculine images in and through which we have shaped a world so cruel to most of its inhabitants?Hegemony and masculinity Twenty years ago, Patricia Sexton suggested that â€Å"male norms stress values such as courage, inner direction, certain forms of aggression, autonomy. mastery, technological skill, group solidarity, adventure and considerable amounts of toughness in mind and body. † (7) It is only relatively recent ly that social scientists have sought to link that insight with the concept of hegemony, a notion as slippery and difficult as the idea of masculinity itself.Hegemony, a pivotal concept in Gramsci's Prison Notebooks and his most significant contribution to Marxist thinking, is about the winning and holding of power and the formation (and destruction) of social groups in that process. In this sense, it is importantly about the ways in which the ruling class establishes and maintains its domination. The ability to impose a definition of the situation, to set the terms in which events are understood and issues discussed, to formulate ideals and define morality is an essential part of this process.Hegemony involves persuasion of the greater part of the population, particularly through the media, and the organization of social institutions in ways that appear â€Å"natural,† â€Å"ordinary:' â€Å"normal. † The state, through punishment for non-conformity, is crucially inv olved in this negotiation and enforcement. (8) Heterosexuality and homophobia are the bedrock of hegemonic masculinity and any understanding of its nature and meaning is predicated on the feminist insight that in general the relationship of men to women is oppressive.Indeed, the term â€Å"hegemonic masculinity† was invented and is used primarily to maintain this central focus in the critique of masculinity. A fundamental element of hegemonic masculinity. then. is that women exist as potential sexual objects for men while men are negated as sexual objects for men. Women provide heterosexual men with sexual validation, and men compete with each other for this. This does not necessarily involve men being particularly nasty to individual women. Women may feel as oppressed by non-hegemonic masculinities, may even find some expressions of the hegemonic pattern more familiar and manageable. (9)More than fifty books have appeared in the English language in the last decade or so on m en and masculinity. What is hegemonic masculinity as it is presented in this growing literature? Hegemonic masculinity, particularly as it appears in the works of Carrigan, Connell, and Lee. Chapman, Cockburn, Connell, Lichterman, Messner, and Rutherford, involves a specific strategy for the subordination of women. In their view, hegemonic masculinity concerns the dread of and the flight from women. A culturally idealized form, it is both a personal and a collective project, and is the common sense about breadwinning and manhood.It is exclusive, anxiety-provoking, internally and hierarchically differentiated, brutal, and violent. It is pseudo-natural, tough, contradictory, crisis-prone, rich, and socially sustained. While centrally connected with the institutions of male dominance, not all men practice it. though most benefit from it. Although cross-class. it often excludes workingclass and black men. It is a lived experience, and an economic and cultural force, and dependent on soc ial arrangements. It is constructed through difficult negotiation over a life-time. Fragile it may be, but it constructs the most dangerous things we live with.Resilient, it incorporates its own critiques, but it is, nonetheless, â€Å"unravelling. † (10) What can men do with it? According to the authors cited above, and others, hegemonic masculinity can be analyzed, distanced from, appropriated, negated, challenged, reproduced, separated from, renounced, given up, chosen, constructed with difficulty, confirmed, imposed, departed from, and modernized. (But not, apparently, enjoyed. ) What can it do to men? It can fascinate, undermine, appropriate some men's bodies, organize, impose, pass itself off as natural, deform, harm, and deny. But not, seemingly, enrich and satisfy. ) Which groups are most active in the making of masculinist sexual ideology? It is true that the New Right and fascism are vigorously constructing aggressive, dominant, and violent models of masculinity. Bu t generally, the most influential agents are considered to be: priests, journalists, advertisers, politicians, psychiatrists, designers, playwrights, film makers, actors, novelists, musicians, activists, academics, coaches, and sportsmen. They are the â€Å"weavers of the fabric of hegemony† as Gramsci put it, its â€Å"organizing intellectuals. These people regulate and manage gender regimes: articulate experiences, fantasies, and perspectives; reflect on and interpret gender relations. (11) The cultural ideals these regulators and managers create and perpetuate. we are told, need not correspond at all closely to the actual personalities of the majority of men (not even to their own! ). The ideals may reside in fantasy figures or models remote from the lives of the unheroic majority, but while they are very public, they do not exist only as publicity.The public face of hegemonic masculinity, the argument goes. is not necessarily even what powerful men are, but is what susta ins their power, and is what large numbers of men are motivated to support because it benefits them. What most men support is not necessarily what they are. â€Å"Hegemonic masculinity is naturalised in the form of the hero and presented through forms that revolve around heroes: sagas, ballads, westerns, thrillers,† in books, films, television, and in -sporting events. (12) What in the early literature had been written of as â€Å"the male sex ole† is best seen as hegemonic masculinity, the â€Å"culturally idealised form of masculine character† which, however, may not be â€Å"the usual form of masculinity at all. † To say that a particular form of masculinity is hegemonic means â€Å"that its exaltation stabilizes a structure of dominance and oppression in the gender order as a whole. To be culturally exalted, the pattern of masculinity must have exemplars who are celebrated as heroes. † (13) But when we examine these bearers of hegemonic masculi nity, they seem scarcely up to the task, with more than just feet of clay.A football star is a model of hegemonic masculinity. (14) But is a model? When the handsome Australian Rules football player, Warwick â€Å"the tightest shorts in sports† Capper, combined football with modelling, does this confirm or decrease his exemplary status? When Wally (â€Å"the King†) Lewis explained that the price he will pay for another five years playing in the professional Rugby League is the surgical replacement of both his knees, this is undoubtedly the stuff of good, old, tried and true, tough and stoic, masculinity.But how powerful is a man who mutilates his body, almost as a matter of course, merely because of a job? When Lewis announced that he was quitting the very prestigious â€Å"State of Origin† football series because his year-old daughter had been diagnosed as hearing-impaired, is this hegemonic? In Australian surfing champion, iron man Steve Donoghue, Connell has found â€Å"an exemplar of masculinity† who lives â€Å"an exemplary version of hegemonic masculinity. † But, says Donoghue, â€Å"I have loved the idea of not having to work †¦.Five hours a day is still a lot but it is something that I enjoy that people are not telling me what to do. † This is not the right stuff. Nor are hegemonic men supposed to admit to strangers that their life is â€Å"like being in jail. † Connell reveals further contradictions when he explains that â€Å"Steve, the exemplar of masculine toughness, finds his own exemplary status prevents him from doing exactly what his peer group defines as thoroughly masculine behaviour: going wild, showing off, drunk driving, getting into fights, defending his own prestige. This is not power. And when we look to see why many young men take up sport we find they are driven by â€Å"the hunger for affiliation† in the words of Hammond and Jablow; we see the felt need for â€Å"connecte dness† and closeness. How hegemonic is this? (15) Homosexuality and counter-hegemony Let us, however, pursue the argument by turning now to examine those purported counter-hegemonic forces that are supposedly generated by the gender system itself. There are three main reasons why male homosexuality is regarded as counter-hegemonic. Firstly, hostility to homo- exuality is seen as fundamental to male heterosexuality; secondly, homosexuality is associated with effeminacy; and thirdly, the form of homosexual pleasure is itself considered subversive. (16) Antagonism to gay men is a standard feature of hegemonic masculinity in Australia. Such hostility is inherent in the construction of heterosexual masculinity itself. Conformity to the demands of hegemonic masculinity, pushes heterosexual men to homophobia and rewards them for it, in the form of social support and reduced anxiety about their own manliness.In other words, male heterosexual identity is sustained and affirmed by hatre d for, and fear of, gay men. (17) Although homosexuality was compatible with hegemonic masculinity in other times and places, this was not true in post-invasion Australia. The most obvious characteristic of Australian male homosexuals, according to Johnston and Johnston, has been a â€Å"double deviance. † It has been and is a constant struggle to attain the goals set by hegemonic masculinity, and some men challenge this rigidity by acknowledging their own â€Å"effeminacy. This rejection and affirmation assisted in changing homosexuality from being an aberrant (and widespread) sexual practice, into an identity when the homosexual and lesbian subcultures reversed the hegemonic gender roles, mirror-like, for each sex. Concomitantly or consequently, homosexual men were socially defined as effeminate and any kind of powerlessness, or a refusal to compete, â€Å"readily becomes involved in the imagery of homosexuality† (18) While being subverted in this fashion, hegemonic masculinity is also threatened by the assertion of a homosexual identity confident that homosexuals are able to give each other sexual pleasure.According to Connell, the inherent egalitarianism in gay relationships that exists because of this transitive structure (my lover's lover can also be my lover), challenges the hierarchical and oppressive nature of male heterosexuality. (19) However, over time, the connection between homosexuality and effeminacy has broken. The â€Å"flight from masculinity† evident in male homosexuality, noted thirty years ago by Helen Hacker, may be true no longer, as forms of homosexual behaviour seem to require an exaggeration of some aspects of hegemonic masculinity, notably the cult of oughness and physical aggression. If hegemonic masculinity necessarily involves aggression and physical dominance, as has been suggested, then the affirmation of gay sexuality need not imply support for women's liberation at all, as the chequered experience of wom en in the gay movement attests. (20) More than a decade ago, Australian lesbians had noted, â€Å"We make the mistake of assuming that lesbianism, in itself, is a radical position. This had led us, in the past, to support a whole range of events, ventures, political perspectives, etc. ust because it is lesbians who hold those beliefs or are doing things. It is as ludicrous as believing that every working class person is a communist. † (21) Even though there are many reasons to think that there are important differences in the expression and construction of women's homosexuality and men's homosexuality, perhaps there is something to be learned from this. Finally, it is not â€Å"gayness† that is attractive to homosexual men, but â€Å"maleness. † A man is lusted after not because he is homosexual but because he's a man. How counter-hegemonic can this be?Changing men, gender segmentation and paid and unpaid work Connell notes, â€Å"Two possible ways of working f or the ending of patriarchy which move beyond guilt, fixing your head and heart, and blaming men, are to challenge gender segmentation in paid work and to work in men's counter-sexist groups. Particularly, though, countersexist politics need to move beyond the small consciousness raising group to operate in the workplace, unions and the state. † (22) It is hard to imagine men challenging gender segmentation in paid work by voluntarily dropping a third of their wage packet.But it does happen, although perhaps the increasing trickle of men into women's jobs may have more to do with the prodding of a certain invisible finger. Lichterman has suggested that more political elements of the â€Å"men's movement† contain human service workers, students, parttimers. and â€Å"odd-jobbers. † Those in paid work, work in over-whelmingly female occupations -counselling, nursing, and elementary teaching are mentioned. In this sense, their position in the labour market has made them â€Å"predisposed to criticise hegemonic masculinity, the common sense about breadwinning and manhood. It can also be seen as a defence against the loss of these things, as men attempt to colonize women's occupations in a job market that is increasingly competitive, particularly for men's jobs.? (23) If we broaden the focus on the desegmentation of paid work to include unpaid work, more interesting things occur. While Connell has suggested that hegemonic masculinity is confirmed in fatherhood, the practice of parenting by men actually seems to undermine it. Most men have an exceptionally impoverished idea about what fatherhood involves, and indeed, active parenting doesn't even enter into the idea of manhood at all.Notions of fathering that are acceptable to men concern the exercise of impartial discipline, from an emotional distance and removed from favouritism and partiality. In hegemonic masculinity, fathers do not have the capacity or the skill or the need to care for chil dren, especially for babies and infants, while the relationship between female parents and young children is seen as crucial. Nurturant and care-giving behaviour is simply not manly. Children, in turn, tend to have more abstract and impersonal relations with their fathers.The problem is severely compounded for divorced fathers, most of whom have extremely little emotional contact with their children. (24) As Messner has explained, â€Å"while the man is ‘out there' establishing his .name' in public, the woman is usually home caring for the day-to-day and moment-to-moment needs of her family †¦. Tragically, only in mid- life, when the children have already ‘left the nest' †¦ do some men discover the importance of connection and intimacy. † (25) Nonetheless, of the little time that men spend in unpaid work, proportionally more of it goes now into child care.Russell has begun to explore the possibility that greater participation by men in parenting has led to substantial shifts in their ideas of masculinity. The reverse is probably true too. Hochschild found in her study that men who shared care with their partners rejected their own â€Å"detached, absent and overbearing† fathers. The number of men primarily responsible for parenting has grown dramatically in Australia, increasing five-fold between 1981 and 1990. The number of families with dependent children in which the man was not in paid work but the woman was, rose from 16,200 in 1981 to 88,100 in 1990.Women, however, still outnumber men in this position ten to one. (26) Not only a man's instrumental relations with others are challenged by close parenting, but so are his instrumental relations with himself. Men's sense of themselves is threatened by intimacy. Discovering the affection, autonomy, and agency of babies and children, disconcerted by an unusual inability to cope, men are compelled to re-evaluate their attitude to themselves. In Russell's study, the fathers who provided primary child care â€Å"constantly marvelled at and welcomed the changes that had taken place in their relationships with their children. (27) Even Neville Wran, the former premier of the Australian state of New South Wales whose most renowned political activity was â€Å"putting the blowtorch to the belly† of political opponents. said of fatherhood, which occurred in his sixties, â€Å"It's making me a more patient, tolerant, understanding human being. I'm a real marshmallow. † (28) The men who come to full-time fathering do not, however, regard themselves as unmanly, even though their experiences have resulted in major shifts in their ideas about children, child care, and women.In fact, one quarter of them considered these changes a major gain from their parenting work. This was despite the fact that these men's male friends and workmates were highly critical of their abandonment of the breadwinner role, describing them, for instance, as being â€Å"blud gers,† â€Å"a bit funny,† â€Å"a bit of a woman,† and â€Å"under the thumb. † (29) This stigmatism may be receding as the possibility of securing the children's future, once part of the father's responsibility in his relations with the â€Å"public sphere,† is becoming less and less possible as unemployment bites deeper. 30) Child-minders and day-care workers have confirmed that the children of active fathers were â€Å"more secure† and â€Å"less anxious† than the children of non-active fathers. Psychological studies have revealed them to be better developed socially and intellectually. Furthermore, the results of active fatherhood seem to last. There is considerable evidence to suggest that greater interaction with fathers is better for children, with the sons and daughters of active fathers displaying lower levels of sex-role stereotyping. (31) Men who share the second shift had a happier family life and more harmonious marriages .In a longitudinal study, Defrain found that parents reported that they were happier and their relationships improved as a result of shared parenting. In an American study, househusbands felt positive about their increased contribution to the family-household, paid work became less central to their definition of themselves, and they noted an improvement in their relationships with their female partners. (32) One of the substantial bases for metamorphosis for Connell's six changing heterosexual men in the environmental movement as the learning of domestic labour, which involves â€Å"giving to people, looking after people. † In the same sense that feminism â€Å"claimed emotional life as a source of dignity and self respect,† active fathers are challenging hegemonic masculinity. For hegemonic masculinity, real work is elsewhere, and relationships don't require energy, but provide it. (33) There is also the question of time. The time spent establishing the intimacy that a man may crave is also time away from establishing and maintaining the â€Å"competitive edge,† or the â€Å"public face. There are no prizes for being a good father, not even when being one is defined narrowly in terms of breadwinning. (34) Social struggles over time are intimate with class and gender. It is not only that the rich and powerful are paid handsomely for the time they sell, have more disposable time, more free time, more control over how they use their time, but the gender dimensions of time use within classes are equally compelling. No one performs less unpaid work, and receives greater remuneration for time spent in paid work, than a male of the ruling class.The changes that are occurring remain uncertain, and there is, of course, a sting in the tail. Madison Avenue has found that â€Å"emotional lability and soft receptivity to what's new and exciting† are more appropriate to a consumer-orientated society than â€Å"hardness and emotional distance. † Past television commercials tended to portray men as Marlboro macho or as idiots, but contemporary viewers see men cooking, feeding babies, and shopping. Insiders in the advertising industry say that the quick and easy cooking sections of magazines and newspapers are as much to attract male readers as overworked women.U. S. Sports Illustrated now carries advertisements for coffee, cereal, deodorants, and soup. According to Judith Langer, whose market-research firm services A. T. & T. , Gillette. and Pepsico among others, it is now â€Å"acceptably masculine to care about one's house. (35) The â€Å"new man† that comes at us through the media seems to reinforce the social order without challenging it. And he brings with him, too, a new con for women. In their increasing assumption of breadwinning, femocratic and skilled worker occupations, the line goes, women render themselves incomplete.They must -‘give up† their femininity in their appropriation of male jobs and power, but men who embrace the feminine become â€Å"more complete. † (36) And if that isn't tricky enough, the â€Å"new men† that seem to be emerging are simply unattractive. Indeed, they're boring. Connell's six changing heterosexual men in the environmental movement were attracted to women who were â€Å"strong, independent, active. (37) Isn't everybody attracted by these qualities? Gay men find â€Å"new men† irritating and new men are not too sure how keen they should be on each other, and no feminist worth her salt would be seen dead with one.The ruling class: Really real men? If the significance of the concept of hegemonic masculinity is that it directs us to look for the contradictions within an autonomous gender system that will cause its transformation, then we must conclude it has failed. The challenges to hegemonic masculinity identified by its theorists and outlined above seem either to be complicit with, or broader than, the gender syst em that has apparently generated them. I can appreciate why Connell is practically interested in and theoretically intrigued by arguing against the notion of the externality of gender change. Both experience and theory show the impossibility of liberating a dominant group and the difficulty of constructing a movement based not on the shared interest of a group but on the attempt to dismantle that interest. † (38) (My emphasis). The key is the phrase â€Å"constructing a movement. † It is only a system which has its own dynamics that can produce the social forces necessary to change radically that system. But Connell himself has written that gender is part of the relations of production and has always been so.And similarly, that â€Å"social science cannot understand the state, the political economy of advanced capitalism. the nature of class, the process of modernisation or the nature of imperialism, the process of socialisation, the structure of consciousness or the p olitics of knowledge, without a full-blooded analysis of gender. † (39) There is nothing outside gender. To be involved in social relations is to be inextricably â€Å"inside† gender. If everything, in this sense, is within gender, why should we be worried about the exteriority of the forces for social change?Politics, economics, technology are gendered. â€Å"We have seen the invisible hand;' someone wittier than I remarked, â€Å"It is white, hairy and manicured. † Is there, then, some place we can locate exemplars of hegemonic masculinity that are less fractured, more coherent, and thus easier to read? Where its central and defining features can be seen in sharper relief? If the public face of hegemonic masculinity is not necessarily even what powerful men are, then what are they necessarily? Why is it â€Å"no mean feat to produce the kind of people who can actually operate a capitalist system? (40) Even though the concept â€Å"hegemony† is rooted i n concern with class domination, systematic knowledge of ruling class masculinity is slight as yet, but it is certainly intriguing. One aspect of ruling class hegemonic masculinity is the belief that women don't count in big matters, and that they can be dealt with by jocular patronage in little matters. Another is in defining what â€Å"big† and â€Å"little† are. Sexual politics are simply not a problem to men of the ruling class. Senior executives couldn't function as bosses without the patriarchal household.The exercise of this form of power requires quite special conditions – conventional femininity and domestic subordination. Two-thirds of male top executives were married to housewives. The qualities of intelligence and the capacity for hard work which these women bring to marriage are matched, as friends of Anita Keating, the wife of the Prime Minister of Australia, remarked, by â€Å"intense devotion †¦ her husband and her children are her life. â €  Colleen Fahey, the wife of the premier of New South Wales, had completed an 18-month part-time horticulture course at her local technical college, and she wanted to continue her studies full-time. But my husband wouldn't let met,† she said. â€Å"He said that he didn't think it was right for a mother to have a job when she had a 13-year-old child †¦ I think if I'd put my foot down and said I'd really wanted a career, he'd have said, ‘You're a rotten mother leaving those kids. † (41) The case for this sort of behaviour is simply not as compelling for working-class men, the mothers and the wives of most of whom undertake paid work as a matter of course. Success itself can amplify this need for total devotion, while lessening the chances of its fulfilment outside of the domestic realm.For the successful are likely to have difficulty establishing intimate and lasting friendships with other males because of low self-disclosure, homophobia, and cut-throat com petition. The corporate world expects men to divulge little of their personal lives and to restrain personal feelings, especially affectionate ones, towards their colleagues while cultivating a certain bland affability. Within the corporate structure, â€Å"success is achieved through individual competition rather than dyadic or group bonding. The distinction between home and work is crucial and carefully maintained. For men in the corporation, friends have their place outside work. (42) While William Shawcross, the biographer of media mogul Rupert Murdoch, found him â€Å"courageous† and â€Å"charming,† others close to Murdoch described him as â€Å"arrogant,† â€Å"cocky,† â€Å"insensitive, verging on dangerous,† â€Å"utterly ruthless,† and an â€Å"efficient Visigoth. † Murdoch himself described his life as â€Å"consisting of a series of interlocking wars. Shawcross also found that Murdoch possessed â€Å"an instinctive feel for money and power and how to use them both;' had a â€Å"relentless, unceasing drive and energy,† worked â€Å"harder and more determinedly† than anybody else, was â€Å"sure that what he was doing was correct†, â€Å"believed that he had become invincible†, and was driven by the desire â€Å"to win at all costs. † (43) And how must it feel to know that you can have whatever you want, and that throughout your life you will be looked after in every way, even to the point of never having to dress and undress yourself?Thus the view that hegemonic masculinity is hegemonic insofar as it succeeds in relation to women is true, but partial. Competitiveness, a combination of the calculative and the combative, is institutionalised in business and is central to hegemonic masculinity. The enterprise of winning is life-consuming, and this form of competitiveness is â€Å"an inward turned competitiveness, focussed on the self,† creating, in fact, an in strumentality of the personal. (44)Hegemonic masculinity is â€Å"a question of how particular groups of men inhabit positions of power and wealth, and how they legitimate and reproduce the social relationships that generate their dominance. † (45) Through hegemonic masculinity most men benefit from the control of women. For a very few men, it delivers control of other men. To put it another way, the crucial difference between hegemonic masculinity and other masculinities is not the control of women, but the control of men and the representation of this as â€Å"universal social advancement,† to paraphrase Gramsci.Patriarchal capitalism delivers the sense, before a man of whatever masculinity even climbs out of bed in the morning, that he is â€Å"better† than half of humankind. But what is the nature of the masculinity confirming not only that, but also delivering power over most men as well? And what are its attractions? A sociology of rulingclass men is long overdue. Footnotes 1. M. Waters. â€Å"Patriarchy and Viriarchy: An Exploration and Reconstruction of Concepts of Masculine Domination. † Sociology 7 (1989): 143-162. 2. A. Hochschild with A. Machung. The Second Shit: Woking parents and the Revolution at Home (New York: Viking. 989): 257. 3. M. Donaldson, Time of Our Lives: Labour and Love in the Working Class (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1991). 3. R. Connell. â€Å"Theorising Gender,† Sociology, 19 (1985): 263; R. Connell, â€Å"The Wrong Stuff: Reflections on the Place of Gender in American Sociology. † in H. J. Gans, editor, Sociology in America (Newbury-Park: Sage Publications 1990), 158; R. Connell, â€Å"The State, Gender and Sexual Politics: Theory and Appraisal† , Theory and Society 19/5 (1990): 509-523. 5. Connell. â€Å"Theorising Gender,† 260. 6. R. Connell, Which Way is Up? Essays on Class, Sex and Culture (Sydney: George Allen and Unwin, 1983), 234-276. 7.T. Carrigan, B. Connell. and J. L ee, â€Å"Toward a New Sociology of Masculinity. † in H. Brod. editor. The Making of Masculinities: The New Men's Studies (Boston:. Allen and Unwin), 75. 8. R. Connell. Gender and Power: Society, the Person and Sexual Politics (Sydney: Allen and Unwin. 1987), 107; Carrigan. Connell and Lee, 95. 9. Carrigan, Connell. and Lee. â€Å"Toward a New Sociology of Masculinity. † 86: Connell, Which Way is Up? 185. 10. Connell, Which Way is Up; Connell. Gender and Power; R. Connell, â€Å"A Whole New World: Remaking Masculinity in the Context of the Environmental Movement,† Gender and Society 4 (1990): 352-378: R.Connell. â€Å"An Iron Man: The Body and Some Contradictions of Hegemonic Masculinity,† in M. Messner and D. Sabo, editors, Sport, Men and the Gender Order (Champaign. Ill. : Human Kinetics Books, 1990): Connell, â€Å"The State, Gender and Sexual Politics†; Carrigan, Connell and Lee, 86; R. Chapman. â€Å"The Great Pretender: Variations in the New Man Theme. † in R. Chapman and J. Rutherford. editors. .Male Order: Unwrapping Masculinity (London: Lawrence and Wishart. 1988) 9-18; C. Cockburn. â€Å"Masculinity, the Left and Feminism. † in Male Order:103–329; P. Lichterman. Making a Politics of Masculinity,† Comparative Social Research 11 (1989): 185-208; M. Messner â€Å"The Meaning of Success: The Athletic Experience and the Development of Male Identity,† in The Making of Masculinities:193-2 10; J. Rutherford. â€Å"Who's That Man'? † in Male Order, 21-67. I I. Connell, Which Way is Up: 236, 255, 256. 12. Connell, Which Way is Up: 185,186,239. 13. Connell, â€Å"Iron Man,† 83, 94. 14. Connell, â€Å"Whole New World,† 459. 15. D. Hammond and A. Jablow, â€Å"Gilgamesh and the Sundance Kid: The Myth of Male Friendship,† in The Making of Masculinities: 256: Messner. â€Å"The Meaning of Success†, 198; Connell. Iron Man. † 87, 93: Donoghue in Connell. â₠¬Å"Iron Man,† 84-85. 16. Carrigan, Connell, and Lee, â€Å"Toward a New Sociology of Masculinity†: Connell, Gender and Power. 17. G. Herek, â€Å"On Heterosexual Masculinity: Some Physical Consequences of the Social Construction of Gender and Sexuality,† in M. Kimmel, editor, Changing Men, New Directions on Men and Masculinity (Newbury Park: Sage. 1987): 71-72; Connell. â€Å"Whole New World,† 369. 18. Carrigan, Connell and Lee, â€Å"Toward a New Sociology of Masculinity†: 93; C. Johnson and R. Johnston, â€Å"The Making of Homosexual Men. † in V. Burgmann and J.Lee, editors, Staining the Wattle. A People's History of Australia Since 1788. (Fitzroy: McPhee Gribble/Penguin, 1988): 91; Connell, Gender and Power: 80; Carrigan, Connell and Lee: 86. 19. Carrigan, Connell, and Lee. 85; Connell. Gender and Power : 116. 20. Johnston and Johnston. â€Å"Homosexual Men. † 94: Carrigan. Connell, and Lee. 74: J. Hearn, The Gender of Oppression: M en, Masculinity and the Critique of Marxism (Brighton: Wheatsheaf, 1987); Connell, , Gender and Power: 60; Connell, Which Way is Up: 234. 177-178. 21. Otto in L. Ross. â€Å"Escaping the Well of Loneliness. † Staining the Wattle: 107. 22.Connell. â€Å"Whole New World,† 474-475, 477. 23, Lichterman, â€Å"Making a Politics. † 187-188, 201, 204. 24. Hochschild, Second Shift, 239: V. Seidler, â€Å"Fathering, Authority and Masculinity,† Male Order, 276; G. Russell, The Changing Role of Fathers? (St. Lucia: University of Queensland Press. 1983), 98. 117; Seidler, â€Å"Fathering,† 287: Hochschild, Second Shift, 249; Connell, Which Way is Up, 32. 25. Messner. â€Å"Meaning of Success,†: 201. 26. Russell, Changing Role; Hochschild, Second Shift, 2, 217, 227; C. Armitage, â€Å"House Husbands. The Problems They Face,† Sydney Morning Herald (4 July 1991): 16. 27. Seidler. Fathering,† 298, 290, 295; Russell, Changing Role, 177. 28. Bick nell, â€Å"Neville Wran: A Secret Sadness,† New Idea (May 11, 1991): 18. 29. Russell, Changing Role, 128-129, 135-136. 30, Seidler. â€Å"Fathering,† 283. 31. Hochschild, Second Shift, 218, 237; P. Stein. â€Å"Men in Families,† Marriage and Family Review 7 (1984): 155. 32. Hochschild, Second Shift, 216; Defrain in Stein, â€Å"Men in Families. † 156; E. Prescott, â€Å"New Men,† American Demographics 5 (1983): 19. 33. Connell. â€Å"Whole New World. † 465; Seidler, â€Å"Fathering,† 275. 31. Donaldson, Time of Our Lives, 20-29. 35. Chapman, â€Å"Great Pretender,† 212; Prescott, â€Å"New Men. 16, 20, 18. 36. Chapman, â€Å"Great Pretender,† 213. 37. Connell, â€Å"Whole New World,† 465. 38. Connell, â€Å"Whole New World,† 176. 39. Connell, Gender and Power, 15; Connell, â€Å"The Wrong Stuff,† 161. 40. Connell, Which Way is Up: 71. 41. R. Connell, Teachers' Work (Sydney: George Allen and Unwin, 1985). 187; Connell. Which Way is Up: 71: Hochschild, Second Shift, 255: N. Barrowblough and P. McGeough. â€Å"Woman of Mystery. The Trump Card Keating Hasn't Played,† Sydney Morning Herald, (8 June 1991): 35. D. Cameron. â€Å"Just an Average Mrs. Premier,† Sydney Morning Herald, (28 Nov. 1992): 41. 42. M.Barrett, Women's Oppression Today: Problems in . Marxist Feminist Analysis (London: Verso, 1980): 187-216; Messner, â€Å"Meaning of Success. † 201: R. Ochberg, â€Å"The Male Career Code and The Ideology of Role,† in The Making of Masculinities: 173. 184; Hammond and Jablow, 255-256; Illawarra Mercury, â€Å"Family Comments Greeted with Fury. † (1 December 1992): 7. 43. W. Shawcross, Rupert Murdoch, Ringmaster of the Information Circus (Sydney: Random House. 1992). 44. Carrigan. Connell. and Lee, 92; Connell, Gender and Power, 156; Connell. â€Å"Iron Man. † 91; Seidler. â€Å"Fathering,† 279. 45. Carrigan, Connell, and Lee, 92.

Wednesday, January 8, 2020

Biography of Mary McLeod Bethune, Civil Rights Activist

Mary McLeod Bethune (born  Mary Jane McLeod; July 10, 1875–May 18, 1955) was a trailblazing African-American educator and civil rights leader. Bethune, who strongly believed that education was the key to equal rights, founded the groundbreaking Daytona Normal and Industrial Institute (now known as the Bethune-Cookman College) in 1904. She also opened a hospital, served as CEO of a company, advised four U.S. presidents, and was chosen to attend the founding convention of the United Nations. Fast Facts: Mary McLeod Bethune Known For: Bethune was an educator and activist who fought to improve the lives of African-Americans.Also Known As: Mary Jane McLeodBorn: July 10, 1875 in Mayesville, South CarolinaParents: Sam and Patsy McLeodDied: May 18, 1955 in Daytona Beach, FloridaSpouse: Albertus Bethune (m. 1898–1918)Children: Albert Early Life Mary Jane McLeod was born on July 10, 1875, in rural Mayesville, South Carolina. Unlike her parents, Samuel and Patsy McLeod, Mary, who was the 15th of 17 children, was born free. For many years after the end of slavery, Marys family continued to work as sharecroppers on the plantation of former master William McLeod until they could afford to build a farm. Eventually, the family had enough money to erect a log cabin on a small plot of farmland they called Homestead. Despite their freedom, Patsy still did laundry for her former owner and Mary often accompanied her mother to deliver the wash. Mary loved going because she was allowed to play with the toys of the owners grandchildren. On one particular visit, Mary picked up a book—only to have it ripped from her hands by a white child, who screamed that Mary wasnt supposed to read. Later in life, Mary said that this experience had inspired her to learn to read and write. Early Education At a young age, Mary was working up to 10 hours a day, often in the fields picking cotton. When she was 7, a black Presbyterian missionary named Emma Wilson visited Homestead. She asked Samuel and Patsy if their children could attend the school she was establishing. The parents could afford to send only one child, and Mary was chosen to become the first member of her family to attend school. This opportunity would change Mary’s life. Eager to learn, Mary walked 10 miles a day to attend the one-room Trinity Mission School. If there was time after chores, Mary taught her family whatever she had learned that day. Mary studied at the mission school for four years and graduated at the age of 11. With her studies completed and no means to further her education, Mary returned to her familys farm to work in the cotton fields. A Golden Opportunity Still working a year after graduation, Mary fretted about missing additional educational opportunities—a dream that now seemed hopeless. Ever since the McLeod familys only mule had died, forcing Marys father to mortgage Homestead to buy another mule, money in the McLeod household had been even scarcer than before. Luckily for Mary, a Quaker teacher in Denver, Colorado, named Mary Chrisman had read about the blacks-only Mayesville school. As a sponsor of the Northern Presbyterian Churchs project to educate former slave children, Chrisman offered to pay tuition for one student to receive a higher education—and Mary was chosen. In 1888, 13-year-old Mary traveled to Concord, North Carolina, to attend the Scotia Seminary for Negro Girls. When she arrived at Scotia, Mary stepped into a world very different from her Southern upbringing, with white teachers sitting, talking, and eating with black teachers. At Scotia, Mary learned that through cooperation, whites and blacks could live in harmony. Studies Study of the Bible, American history, literature, Greek, and Latin filled Marys days. In 1890, the 15-year-old completed the Normal and Scientific Course, which certified her to teach. However, the course was the equivalent of todays associates degree, and Mary wanted more education. She continued her studies at the Scotia Seminary. Lacking money to travel home during summer vacations, the principal of Scotia found her jobs as a domestic with white families for which she earned a little money to send back to her parents. Mary graduated from Scotia Seminary in July 1894, but her parents, unable to get enough money together for a trip, did not attend the graduation. Shortly after graduation, Mary boarded a train in July 1894 with a scholarship to the Moody Bible Institute in Chicago, Illinois, again thanks to Mary Chrisman. Mary took courses that would help her qualify for missionary work in Africa. She also worked in Chicagos slums, feeding the hungry, assisting the homeless, and visiting prisons. Mary graduated from Moody in 1895 and immediately went to New York to meet with the Presbyterian Churchs mission board. The 19-year-old was devastated when she was told â€Å"coloreds† could not qualify as African missionaries. Becoming a Teacher With no options, Mary went home to Mayesville and worked as an assistant to her old teacher, Emma Wilson. In 1896, Mary moved to Augusta, Georgia, for an eighth-grade teaching job at the Haines Normal and Industrial Institute. The school was located in an impoverished area, and Mary came to realize that her missionary work was most needed in America, not Africa. She began to seriously consider founding her own school. In 1898, the Presbyterian board sent Mary to Sumter, Carolinas Kindell Institute. A gifted singer, Mary joined the choir of the local Presbyterian church and met teacher Albertus Bethune at a rehearsal. The two started courting and in May 1898, 23-year-old Mary married Albertus and moved to Savannah, Georgia. Mary and her husband found teaching positions, but she stopped teaching when she became pregnant, and he began selling menswear. Mary gave birth to son Albertus McLeod Bethune, Jr. in February 1899. Later that year, a Presbyterian minister convinced Mary to accept a mission-school teaching position in Palatka, Florida. The family lived there  for five years, and Mary began selling insurance policies for Afro-American Life. (In 1923, Mary founded Tampas Central Life Insurance, becoming the companys CEO in 1952.) Plans were announced in 1904 to build a railroad in northern Florida. Aside from the project creating jobs, Mary saw an opportunity to open a school for migrant families—envisioning funds coming from the wealthy of Daytona Beach. Mary and her family headed to Daytona and rented a run-down cottage for $11 a month. But the Bethunes had arrived in a city where blacks were lynched every week. Their new home was in the poorest neighborhood, but it was here that Mary wanted to establish her school for black girls. Daytona Normal and Industrial Institute On October 4, 1904, 29-year-old Mary McLeod Bethune opened the Daytona Normal and Industrial Institute with only $1.50 and five 8- to 12-year-old girls, and her son. Each child paid 50 cents a week for a uniform and to receive rigorous training in religion, business, academics, and industrial skills. Bethune often lectured to raise funds for her school and recruit students, emphasizing education to achieve self-sufficiency. But Jim Crow was law and the KKK was again raging. Lynching was common. Bethune received a visit from the Klan over the formation of her school. Tall and hefty, Bethune stood resolutely in the doorway, and the Klan left without causing harm. Many black women were impressed once they heard Bethune speak about the importance of education; they too wanted to learn. To teach adults, Bethune provided evening classes, and by 1906, Bethunes school boasted a 250-student enrollment. She bought the adjacent building to accommodate expansion. However, Mary McLeod Bethunes husband Albertus never shared her vision for the school. The two could not reconcile on this point, and Albertus left the family in 1907 to return to South Carolina, where he died in 1919 of tuberculosis. School Growth Bethunes goal was to create a top-rated school where students would acquire the requisite needed to succeed in life. She provided agricultural training so that students would learn how to grow and sell their own food. Accepting everyone who wanted education caused major overcrowding; however, Bethune was determined to keep her school afloat. She purchased more property from a dumpsites owner for $250, paying $5 a month. Students hauled junk away from the place they named Hells Hole. Bethune also swallowed her pride and decided to solicit aid from rich whites. Her tenacity paid off when James Gamble (of Proctor and Gamble) paid to build a brick schoolhouse. In October 1907, Mary moved her school to the four-story building she named Faith Hall. People were often moved to give due to Bethunes powerful speaking and passion for black education. For example, the owner of White Sewing Machines made a large donation to build a new hall and included Bethune in his will. In 1909, Bethune went to New York and was introduced to Rockefeller, Vanderbilt, and Guggenheim. Rockefeller created a scholarship program for Mary through his foundation. Angry at the absence of healthcare for blacks in Daytona, Bethune built her own 20-bed hospital on campus. The consummate fundraiser hosted a bazaar, raising $5,000. Famed industrialist and philanthropist Andrew Carnegie donated. With this support, Bethune focused on acquiring accreditation as a college. Her proposal was rejected by the all-white board, who believed an elementary education was sufficient for blacks. Bethune again sought the help of powerful allies, and in 1913 the board approved junior-college accreditation. Merger Bethune maintained her Head, Hands, and Heart teaching philosophy and the overcrowded school kept growing. To expand, the 45-year-old Bethune hopped on her bike, going door-to-door soliciting contributions and selling sweet potato pies. However, the 20-acre campus still struggled financially, and in 1923 Bethune decided to merge the school with the Cookman Institute for Men in Jacksonville, Florida, which doubled student enrollment to 600. The school became the Bethune-Cookman College in 1929, and Bethune served until 1942 as the first black female college president. Women’s Rights Bethune believed that raising the status of African-American women was key to elevating the race; thus, beginning in 1917, she formed clubs championing the causes of black women. The Florida Federation of Colored Women and the Southeastern Federal of Colored Women addressed important topics of the era. A constitutional amendment granted black women voting rights in 1920, and an overjoyed Bethune got busy organizing a voter registration drive. This roused the ire of Klansmen, who threatened her with violence. Bethune urged calmness and courage, leading the women in exercising their hard-won privilege. In 1924, Bethune defeated Ida B. Wells, with whom she had a contentious relationship over teaching methods, to become president of the 10,000-strong National Association of Colored Women (NACW). Bethune traveled often, singing and speaking to raise money, not only for her college but also to move the NACW’s headquarters to Washington, D.C. In 1935, Bethune founded the National Council of Negro Women (NCNW). The organization sought to address discrimination, thereby improving every facet of African-American life. Advisor to Presidents Bethune’s successes did not go unnoticed. After she returned to her school in October 1927 from a European vacation, she attended a brunch at the home of New York governor Franklin Delano Roosevelt. This began a lifelong friendship between Bethune and the governors wife Eleanor. A year later, it was U.S. President Calvin Coolidge who wanted Bethune’s advice. Later, Herbert Hoover sought Bethunes thoughts on racial affairs and appointed her to various committees. In October 1929, Americas stock market crashed, and black men were the first to be fired. Black women became primary breadwinners, working in jobs of servitude. The Great Depression increased racial hostility, but Bethune ignored established mores by frequently speaking out. Her outspokenness caused journalist Ida Tarbell to deem her one of Americas most influential women in 1930. When Franklin Roosevelt became president, he created several programs for blacks and appointed Bethune as his advisor of minority affairs. In June 1936, Bethune became the first black woman to head a federal office as director of the Division of Negro Affairs of the National Youth Association (NYA). In 1942, Bethune assisted the war secretary during World War II in creating the Womens Army Corps (WAC), lobbying for black women military officers. From 1935 to 1944, Bethune advocated passionately for African-Americans to receive equal consideration under the New Deal. Bethune also assembled a black think tank for weekly strategy meetings at her home. On October 24, 1945, President Harry Truman chose Bethune to attend the United Nations founding convention. Bethune was the only black female delegate, and the event was the highlight of her life. Death Failing health forced Bethune into retirement from government service. She went home, maintaining only certain club affiliations, and wrote books and articles. Knowing death was near, Mary penned My Last Will and Testament, in which she summed up her lifes achievements. The will read, I leave you love. I leave you hope. I leave you a thirst for education. I leave you racial dignity, a desire to live harmoniously—and a responsibility to our young people. On May 18, 1955, 79-year-old Mary McLeod Bethune died of a heart attack and was buried on the grounds of her beloved school. A simple marker reads, Mother. Legacy Against all odds, Bethune greatly improved the lives of African-Americans through education, political involvement, and economic enablement. In 1974, a sculpture of Bethune teaching children was erected in Washington D.C.s Lincoln Park, making her the first African-American to receive such an honor. The United States Postal Service issued a stamp commemorating Bethune in 1985. Today, her legacy lives on through the college that bears her name. Sources Bethune, Mary McLeod, et al.  Mary McLeod Bethune: Building a Better World: Essays and Selected Documents. Indiana University Press, 2001.Kelley, Samuel L.  Faith, Hope and Charity: Mary McLeod Bethune. Xlibris Corporation, 2014.

Sunday, December 22, 2019

Social Media On Teen Plastic Surgery - 1177 Words

Thesis Statement: Since the media has placed remarkable pressure on the physical imperfections of women, the majority of females nowadays are unable to understand the fact that getting their face reconstructed to fit society’s concept of beauty is definitely not the way to promote beauty. Outline I) Introduction a. Understanding plastic surgery. b. Knowing the reason why people would most likely operate plastic surgery. c. Knowing whether plastic surgery is a way to promote beauty or destroy it. II) The Main Conflict a. Knowing how plastic surgery destroys beauty rather than promote it. b. Many people go overboard with surgery to look MORE beautiful. c. Lack of self-confidence guides people into fakeness. III) Plastic surgery in a developing teenager a. The influence of social media on teen plastic surgery. b. The expert opinion of the AAFPRS association and Nigel Mercer. c. Adolescent’s ignorance on plastic surgery causes them to irrationally consider the unhealthy risks. IV) Repercussions a. Scarring. b. General appearance dissatisfaction. c. The psychological impact of plastic surgery and its negative effect on health. V) Solutions a. Quoting Margaret Wolfe Hungerford. b. Looks don’t determine a person’s beauty. c. The significance of self-acceptance. IV) Conclusion a. The way to destroy natural beauty. b. Plastic surgery should is a profession that should be implied for medical purposes only. c. The majority of the patients don’t consider theShow MoreRelatedShould Teens Get Forced Into Getting Plastic Surgery?1656 Words   |  7 Pagesmother looks different from her, due to the fact she has gotten a lot of plastic surgery done to herself. Whose little girl wants to grow up and look beautiful, just like her mother, but doesn’t understand the risk of plastic surgery. When the little girl grows into a teen, she thinks she is finally ready to get her first cosmetic surgery done, a nose job. Her mother is all for it, since she has had plenty of cosmetic surgeries before, but is this perfectly team getting this for herself, where to makeRead MoreThe Age Of The Cosmetic Epidemic1042 Words   |  5 Pagesthrough whatever measures to be plastic just like her. An overwhelming amount of Americans teens are choosing to change their appearance to fit into a highly unrealistic and unattainable standard of beauty that was created and forced upon us by our physically obse ssed culture. There is no doubt that teens feel an enormous pressure to look â€Å"beautiful† and feel obligated to do whatever necessary to reach â€Å"perfection.† Contrary to what many believe, American teens, like most teens around the world, are actuallyRead MoreAmerican Teen Cosmetic And Plastic Surgery1432 Words   |  6 Pages American Teen Cosmetic and Plastic Surgery Plastic and cosmetic surgeries have become a persisting issue in The United States, with the steady advancement of social media and technology being exposed to teens, many are falling victims to the country’s perception of standard beauty and resorting towards surgical procedures features that are not considered to be attractive among the general public. The United States makes it very easy for teens to proceed with aesthetic surgicalRead MoreThe Plastic Generation (Persuasive Speech on Child Cosmetic Surgery)960 Words   |  4 PagesThe Plastic Generation Famous actress and model Patricia Heaton once said â€Å"Plastic surgery is like the big elephant in the Hollywood living room,† (Brainy Quotes). For celebrities, a plastic surgery operation is just another trip to the doctor’s office. After all, in this day and age, image is everything. We see this in high profile professions, and in large cities across the country. However, recently in Beverly Hills, California, girls as young as 16 are getting nose-jobs as a â€Å"Right of Passage†Read MoreThe Media And Its Effects On Young Girls And Women1673 Words   |  7 Pagesher body is perfect, or she had plastic surgery to fit the idea of having the perfect body. The fact that the media thinks they’re encouraging young girls and women to embrace their beauty, they’re influencing them that they have to have a perfect body in order to get attention. The media has put a lot of pressure on young girls and women to look perfect and second guess their bodies, when plastic surgery is never the answer to build their self-esteem up. The media use subliminal messages to getRead MoreThe Development Of Cosmetic Surgery1556 Words   |  7 Pagesnot the only ones resulting to plastic surgery to maintain or enhance their appearance. Many people are riveted by the fact that at the age of fifteen years old, Jen Selter had plastic surgery because of her â€Å"large† nose (Victoria). Caitlin Clemons, age eighteen, had surgical breast augmentation in order to â€Å"fulfill† her self- esteem (Victoria). These cases are what have shifted natural beauty to the idea that reflection is everything. The development of cosmetic surgery has evolved from the need toRead MorePersonal Statement On Self Confidence991 Words   |  4 Pagesall have to gain confidence physically and mentally. We can attain self-confidence overtime; we need it in order to be successful in life. Although, it is difficult in our society to attain high level self-esteem due to picture perfect images, plastic surgery, and surreal role models. Low self-esteem is not only in women it is in men; everyone has some sort of low self-esteem because as humans none of us are perfect. Technology has come a long way with the invention of Photoshop and photo editors.Read MorePersonal Statement On Self Esteem1090 Words   |  5 Pageslife. Low self-esteem is not only in women it is in men; everyone has some sort of low self-esteem because as humans none of us are perfect. It is difficult, in our society today, to attain high level self-esteem due to picture perfect images, plastic surgery, and surreal role models. Technology has come a long way with the invention of Photoshop and photo editors. With these software programs people can change the way they look physically. Individuals around the world idolize singers, actors, realityRead MoreEffects Of Plastic Surgery On Today Society1483 Words   |  6 PagesPlastic surgery has been around for decade, but now it making a real impact on today society. Many experts believe that it’s the influence of the media or the influence of people around us, which portrays the idea of self-image. There are many views of where plastic surgery makes a big impact like adolescent to middle age years and the media. Self-esteem is major factor of why many women and men receive surgery, however some experts say that this procedure doesn’t boosts confidence, while othersRead MoreEssay on Photo-shopped Lies1050 Words   |  5 PagesPhoto-shopped Lies Media plays a huge role in today’s society. Technology associated with media such as the internet has connected the world together, started revolutions, and has achieved many things that have benefitted us for years now. Although all of this rings true for media, some portrayals in media have had devastating effects that continue to increase. Photoshop has become increasingly popular to magazine and brand editors, celebrities, and models. This affects the way teens see themselves resulting